Somalia's 'crucial' role in Eritrea's liberation struggle
In this interview I discuss Somalia'a role in Eritrea's liberation struggle with Mohamed Kheir Omer, a researcher, writer and former member of the Eritrean Liberation Front
“We will fight until there is only one bullet and one Eritrean left”, said Mohammed Abu Baker, an Eritrean fighter speaking to a reporter from Time magazine in 1977. “After that, Ethiopia can take our country back.” The conflict at the time was being fought over the control of a strip of land straddling the Red Sea where the Horn of Africa begins its protrusion into the Indian Ocean, then a part of Ethiopia. It was previously an Italian colony, which the British took control of after fascist Italy was defeated in WWII but was later subsumed into Ethiopia when Emperor Haile Selassie signed the Eritrean-Ethiopian Federation Act on September 11, 1952.
The Eritreans rejected the union right from the start, triggering one of the most brutal, but little understood African independence struggles. What was strange about the Eritrean rebels was that unlike their counterparts elsewhere on the continent, they were fighting for freedom from another African country, which like the Somalis, they viewed as another empire in its own right. Ahmed Mohammed Nasser, a chairman of the Eritrea Liberation Front, then one of the most powerful Eritrean liberation movements, gave an insight into the dogged determination of the Eritrean rebels when he told Time: “I cannot tell you what day or what year we will be independent. But I am sure Eritrea will become an independent state. That is why our people are fighting.”
The Somalis shared the Eritrean concern about the emperor’s intention to annex the territories surrounding his country as the wave of independence began spreading throughout Africa. Eritrea, Italian Somaliland, the Ogaden, British Somaliland and French Somaliland were up for grabs as the Europeans retreated. And whilst Somali independence activists aspired to unify Somali inhabited territories into a new state, the Eritreans similarly wanted a state of their own, carved out of a colony which the emperor coveted to give his landlocked empire access to the Red Sea.
When Somalia became independent, the overlapping territorial claims over the Somali-populated Ogaden region (under Ethiopian rule), became a cause of serious irritation between Somalia and Ethiopia. Following the 1969 military coup which brought Siad Barre to power the tensions increased, and so did Somalia’s support for Eritrean rebels. Halgan, an official magazine of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist party gave an insight into how Somali policy-makers thought about Ethiopia and the Eritrean struggle.
In an article written by Hussen M Adan, titled ‘Colonialism and Resistance’ in the October 1977 issue, the author alleged that Ethiopia was a “sub-imperialist agent”, which relied on the support of hostile western powers and an “extremely harsh and primitive” form of feudal rule to repress the nationalist aspirations of its populations. The repression, the magazine continued, led to “the breakout of a national liberation war in Eritrea.”
If the Ogaden region was to be prized away from Addis Ababa, Mogadishu concluded that supporting other nationalist movements was strategically important in the broader effort to undermine Ethiopia. To that end, Mogadishu struck up an entente with the Eritreans with whom they had particular sympathy. Somalia would go onto back that struggle, often campaigning to raise support for Eritreans at various international forums.
I spoke to Mohammed Kheir Omer, who is a prominent analyst, archivist and writer on east African politics, who was also member of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), one of the premier rebel movements from the region. He joined the ELF’s student cell aged 15 in 1967 and remained an active member until 1983. “I lived in a war zone and experienced atrocities committed by the army,” he wrote to me.
He has a wealth of first hand knowledge combined with extensive experience researching and writing about Eritrea and the broader Horn of Africa. Omer has published a book on the country titled: The Dynamics of an Unfinished African Dream: Eritrea: Ancient History to 1968. He tells me that Somalia’s support for Eritrea’s struggle was “crucial” and never wavered.
Below is a Q/A with Omer, which I have edited for clarity. Enjoy!
Broadly speaking, what was the role of the Somali government in the Eritrean liberation struggle?
Mohammed Kheir Omer: It was a crucial relationship for the Eritreans. Somalia was the only country that never changed its position on the Eritrean revolution. Sudan fluctuated a lot. Egypt and Saudi Arabia provided minimal support. Other Arab countries helped but Somalia remained a key ally through our struggle.
The Somali government also didn’t pick and choose between the different movements in the Eritrean liberation struggle. It maintained good ties with the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). Mogadishu also attempted at various points to unify the different movements in the Eritrean struggle. My guess is that the Somalis felt that a unified front among the Eritrean groups would have a greater chance of defeating the Ethiopian government.
You have to recall that after 1970, the ELF split into three factions. In 1981, the ELF was driven to Sudan in a joint assault by the EPLF (which was an offshoot from the ELF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The Somali government, maintained good relations with all factions and often tried to unify them. In 1983, the ELF leaders led by Abdella Idris and EPLF leaders, among them Isaias, were invited to the house of the Somali ambassador in Sudan on President Siad Barre’s personal instructions. When Isaias arrived, he was surprised to see ELF leaders. The ambassador explained that Siad Barre wanted them to unite. The EPLF delegation said they did not want to sit with the ELF leaders and left. The Somali Ambassador was cross at Isaias’ arrogance, and the meeting ended without fruit.
Mogadishu was also a place where foreign dignitaries met with Eritrean opposition. For example in 1984, President [Julius] Nyerere of Tanzania visited Mogadishu. The Somali Socialist party had scheduled a meeting with the Eritreans. Nyerere insisted he would not meet the Eritrean opposition separately, so a joint delegation from the ELF and EPLF met him there. He told them to unite to get help from the African Trade Union, which he represented. He attended one of their meetings in Morocco before coming to Mogadishu. At that meeting, the African Trade Union had decided to support the Eritrean struggle.
What kinds of support did the Eritrean liberation movements receive from Mogadishu?
Mohammed Kheir Omer: After the establishment of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in Cairo in 1960, and before the launch of the armed struggle, the chairman, Idris Mohammed Adem, carried out an extensive diplomatic tour in the Arab countries to solicit support for the armed struggle. His first trip was to Saudi Arabia. There, he met Osman Saleh Sabbe, a significant figure who popularised and procured finance for the struggle. After discussing his ideas with Sabbe, he agreed to work with ELF. Together, they proceeded to Somalia.
Idris Mohamed Adem said: [they] “decided that from Saudi Arabia, they had to go to Somalia. In Cairo, they knew Mahmud Harbi, who had previously been an MP in the French parliament. At that time, Somalia was not yet independent, and Djibouti was under French rule. Because he opposed French policy in Djibouti, he became a political refugee in Cairo. Ethiopia also had plans for Djibouti as well; we realised we had the same problem. He had the idea, after Somalia’s independence, to travel there together. He would come with us and help us along, as he had many contacts there. But before they could go, he died at 34 in an air crash.”
On December 20, 1960, Idris Mohammed Adem submitted a memorandum containing complaints from the Eritrean people against the emperor of Ethiopia to the prime minister of Somalia, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke. Aden Abdullah Osman was president then. He submitted six significant requests to the Somali government, summarised below:
1. To open an Eritrean political office in Mogadishu through which they can exercise political activities;
2. To assist the Eritrean cause against the Ethiopian Government in world conferences and the U.N. General Assembly.
3. To have broadcasts in Arabic and Tigrinya, through Somalia’s broadcasting station
4. Organise the Eritreans’ efforts with those of the Somali people so that they can face Ethiopia once the Eritreans start active military resistance.
5. To grant some of the Eritrean students Somali passports to take advantage of the educational opportunities granted.
6. To admit some Eritrean youth to the Somali military force and build up an Eritrean division to be trained side-by-side with their Somali brothers. This is to be ready for the armed struggle in Eritrea at the proper time.
After a month, Idris Mohammed Adem was granted permission to open the first cover association in Somalia under the name Eritreo-Somalia Friendship Association. Additionally, Somalia’s government allowed Eritreans to travel with Somali diplomatic passports for many years. In terms of the other requests, a radio program was launched, but I have no information on whether the other requests were fulfilled.
The Eritreo-Somalia Friendship Association was set up on the 1st February 1961. The association comprised seven members with Idris Mohammed Adem and Osman Saleh Sabbe as chairman and vice-chairperson, respectively. The first Somali diplomatic passports were issued to Idris Mohamed Adem (No. 252) and to Sabbe (No. 253). The main task of the society was to publicise the Eritrean cause all over the world by preparing and distributing memorandums and journals.
Later Eritrean liberation leaders, including Isaias Afwerki [Eritrea’s current president] used Somali diplomatic passports. Isaias’s name on the passport was ‘Suleiman Ismael Hirsi’. Many Eritreans also used ordinary Somali passports.
There has been a lot of speculation about the Eritrean president, Isaias Afwerki, living in Mogadishu. What details can you give us about that time and his activities?
Mohammed Kheir Omer: In 1983, the EPLF appointed Yemane Teklegergish, with the nom de guerre Ibrahim to Somalia as the first external intelligence officer there. He served there until 1988, when he left the organisation. He has documented his stay in Somalia in his book, My Experience with the EPLF, published in 2017 in Tigrinya. His contact was a colonel named Bashir, who was the head of military intelligence. General Mohamed Ali Samatar served as vice president and minister of defence at the time. The mission was to exchange intelligence between the Somali government and Eritrean rebels. Eritrean fighters were also sent to Somalia for training.
Yemane met Isaias in Mogadishu in 1983. He stayed in a suite in Hotel Juba, one of the two best hotels in the city provided by the government. He frequented the hotel night club. The Somali government had prepared a Mercedes car with a driver which he used in his movements in the city.
In 1986, in one incident worth mentioning the EPLF sent 14 selected commando fighters to Mogadishu. Their mission was to infiltrate Dire Dawa, Ethiopia from Somalia. They were to attack the airport and set the planes on fire. It was after the EPLF attacked Asmara airport and burned several planes there. Isaias and Petros Solomon arrived shortly after the commando unit arrived. Siad Barre and General Samatar approved of the mission. Though it was approved, it took a long time to get going, so instead of waiting, Isaias, who had to go to Italy, left. Eventually the mission has stopped because the commandos couldn’t breach the airport.
Isaias always felt a particular duty to support Somalia. Whilst I disagree with the way he’s handled relations with Somalia, especially the proxy war with Ethiopia in Somalia to undermine Addis Ababa, he always wanted to see Somalia stabilise and rise. But every Eritrea I know is very appreciative of the support they received.
A strange fact about the Horn of Africa in the 1990s is that the Somali government supported the two parties (EPLF & TPLF) which would reshape the region, whilst Mogadishu itself descended into chaos. How would you compare and contrast the way Eritrea and Ethiopia arrived at relative stability, albeit authoritarian, whilst Somalia didn't have a central government again until the mid-2010s?
Mohammed Kheir Omer: One of the fatal mistakes of Siad barre was attacking Ethiopia. I think the Somali-Ethiopian war and the losses incurred gradually brought down the Somali state, as it led to factionalism in the regime, as happens in many countries after a devastating war, together with increased clannism and excessive repression of the against its opponents.
After 1991, Ethiopia also played a role in the weakening of the Somali state, through its intervention and encouraging factions, while both the EPLF and TPLF on the other hand crushed their opponents by force at an early stage. The Somali elites were not able to reconstitute themselves in the same way because one faction wasn’t able to take control of the territory like Ethiopia and Eritrea.
After 1991, both Isaias and Meles [Zenawi], who were on good terms then, appointed an Eritrean envoy to Somalia whose mission was to study the clan dynamics of the Somalis and provide suggestions on how to bring them together. The envoy suggested the best option was to support Farah Aidid and both supported him to have the upper hand in Somalia, but later he slipped out of their control.
After the 1998 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea their interests in Somalia also diverged with Addis Ababa and Asmara finding themselves on the opposing sides of conflicts among Somali elites. This made it harder to find a collective Somali position.